Research Center of Canada and an associate of the Aspen Institute. Slater, Strong and Anderson collaborated with then and British Labor Party leader Roy Jenkins, to create the International Institute for Environmental Development at this time as a separate organization closely interfaced with Aspen to organize support for the 1972 conference.

   The IIED immediately received a grant from the Ford Foundation and World Bank to produce a policy document in support of environmentalism. That document, Only One Earth was put together by Rockefeller University associate Rene Dubos and British Malthusian Barbara Ward (Lady Jackson), and was published in 19 countries in 15 different languages. Aspen held another seminar in the summer of 1971 which drew representatives from 12 different nations to prepare for Stockholm.

   The Stockholm conference was a milestone in the international anti-technology mobilization. On the eve of the conference the Aspen group pulled off its final little coup d’état by arranging for the International Population Institute,  another zero-growth institution, to sponsor a widely publicized “Distinguished Lecturers Series” in Stockholm to coincide with the conference proceedings. Among the speakers at the series were: Gunnar Myrdal, a Swedish socialist economist; Lord Zuckerman, a director of the British Friends of the Earth; Rene Dubos; Barbara Ward; and Aurelio Peccei, director of the rabidly progenocide Club of Rome. 

   Establishment of the United Nations Environmental Program with Maurice Strong in charge of a $30 million budget line for ant-industrial propaganda, was one direct result of the Stockholm conference. Immediately after the Stockholm events the IIED relocated its facilities to London, under the direction of Lady Jackson.

   In the U.S. the Aspen Institute hosted a follow-up e vent, “Environment, Energy and Institutional Structure,” which produced a new book and laid plans for new rounds of conferences to promote the new zero-growth agenda. Through several million dollars in grant money provided by the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, the Danforth Foundation and the Conservation Foundation, Aspen continued to flood the American population with propaganda tracts extolling the “humanistic” virtues of shutting down modern technology.

   Robert O. Anderson’s Aspen Institute does not speak well for his image as an example of the American System of scientific progress and entrepreneurship. One might expect that his business career shows a different picture. But, in fact, Anderson’s meteoric rise to become chairman of the 7^th largest integrated oil company is filled with footprints of “insider deals” and political payoffs which are coherent with his role as one of the most influential propagators of anti-growth environmentalism.

   From the modest beginnings, financed initially by his banker father, during and after WWII as head of the New Mexico-based Hondo Oil Company, Anderson began a series of moves which by the mid-sixties had given him control of the resources of what is today’s Atlantic Richfield Corporation.  There is strong circumstantial evidence to suggest that “friends” in the nefarious Kennedy Justice Department helped Anderson acquire the assets of the Richfield Oil Company. In 1966, when the Department of Justice ordered Sinclair and Cities Service to divest Richfield stock, it fell into Anderson’s hands. Richfield held leases on what two years later was confirmed to be the largest, single domestic oil find in U.S. History – the ten-billion-barrel Prudhoe Bay field on the North Slope of Alaska!

   Indeed, many  honest independents, assuming Anderson to be “one of us” are puzzled by Anderson’s advocacy and support for Carter’s infamous Crude Oil Windfall Profits Tax Act of 1980. What they don’t realize is that Robert O. Anderson and his cohorts associated with the Aspen Institute (including then-Deputy Secretary of Energy John Sawhill, the author of the Trilateral Commission’s energy policy and Co-chairman of the Aspen Institute’s Energy Commission) drafted the basic outlines of the Windfall Profits Tax Act. Thornton Bradshaw, President of ARCO until his recent departure to take over RCA (parent company of NBC), is personally on record declaring that AECO has “never fought against” imposition of the Windfall Profits Tax on crude oil. Could one reason for this odd behavior be the fact that Sawhill and friends in the Carter administration took care to include a little-noticed clause in the final Windfall Profit Tax Act giving extremely preferential tax treatment to Alaskan oil, the source of ARCO’s major production?

WHY DAVID ROCKEFELLER HATES JAMES WATT

   In order to understand the intensity of those who have launched the offensive to oust Interior Secretary James Watt, we must first take a brief look at the immense power, for good or ill, which is under the control of the Interior Department, and Watt in particular, as one of the President’s most trusted Cabinet members.

   The Department of Interior has legal jurisdiction over 700 million acres of Federal Lands, trust responsibility for 50 million more and jurisdiction over disposition of the rich, untapped ocean resources of the Outer Continental Shelf (OCS). These Federal Lands contain an estimated 50% of the nation’s known energy resources, including 37% of our undiscovered crude oil, 43% of undiscovered natural gas, 40% of our coal, and 80% of our oil shale, along with huge reserves of strategic non-fuel minerals.

   The secretary of Interior has responsibility for mining policy nationally through the Bureau of Mines and the little-known, but potentially crucial Ocean Mining Administration. Through his authority as chief Cabinet member responsible for the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Secretary has enormous influence over the vast mineral and resource wealth of the millions of acres of Indian lands in trust. The Bureau of Land Management, under the Federal Land Policy and Management Act of 1976, establishes policy for land use, including grazing, timber use, oil and gas leasing and other mineral use over all public lands. Under the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of 1977, the Department of Interior has primary responsibility for enforcement of the criteria for reclaiming mined areas. The old Bureau of Reclamation, responsibility for reclamation of arid western lands, became the new Water and Power Resources Service on November 6, 1979 by a Secretarial Order from Watt’s predecessor, Cecil Andrus. Through that order was one of many designed to undermine legitimate necessary water development activities of the old